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Gubler, A.
30-05-10, 02:21 AM
And how is the army doing?

The home front's readiness for the next war was the focus of this past week's national exercise. But what kind of offensive would Israel mount in a confrontation?

By Amos Harel
Published 22:02 27.05.10
Latest update 22:02 27.05.10
http://www.haaretz.com/blogs/mess-report/and-how-is-the-army-doing-1.292613

The entire government and defense establishment spent the week preoccupied with extensive exercises for the home front, in preparation for a potential war. And this begs the question: What's happening on the other side of the equation?

If our point of departure is that any future confrontation - certainly one in the north - will involve thousands of missiles and rockets bombarding Israel's civilian population, what can the Israel Defense Forces do to stop the salvos - a challenge the IDF failed to meet in the 2006 Second Lebanon War?

Last month, Brig. Gen. Uzi Moskovitch concluded his stint as commander of the 162nd Division, a large armored formation that includes numerous regular and reserve infantry, armor and artillery units. Four years ago, the division fought (and was contained ) in the central sector of southern Lebanon in the unfortunate battle of Wadi Saluki. It's safe to presume that every significant combat plan in the coming years will have to rely in part on the 162nd.

Moskovitch, who speaks cautiously, does not think there is a big risk of a war in the north this summer. He does, though, believe such a confrontation will occur in the coming years. Hezbollah, he says, has improved. "No one is sitting idly, and that's true for them, too. But ultimately, the 'delta' [the disparity between the improvements on each side] will be in our favor."

That being said, Moskovitch does not foresee a speedy victory. "Forget victory. That's too philosophical a notion. If you state something like, 'There will be no steep-trajectory [long-range rocket] fire on the home front in the second week of the war,' I will tell you that there's no chance of that. There will be fire.

"We try too hard to categorize Hezbollah based on models," he continues. "They are not an army, not a guerrilla organization and not a terrorist organization - but, rather, all three. They have terrorism's combat morality when it comes to firing rockets, though they have never invaded an Israeli community. They operate by guerrilla methods, and they have army-level rocket-launching capability. It's the hybrid war that military thinkers around the world are now talking about. Hezbollah has deep roots in Lebanon. They are not like Fatah, which was ensconced there until 1982. The organization's combat zone is in southern Lebanon, its nerve center is in Beirut, its logistical rear is in the Lebanese Bekaa, its operative rear in Syria and its strategic rear in Iran. And all of that has an authentic, strong support base in Lebanon."

Should a confrontation occur, Moskovitch says, "We need to deal the organization a serious blow in each arena, aside from what we define as outside the game. Lebanon will be hard-hit in a confrontation. We will also be able to tackle the popular elements of the [organization's] support to some degree.

"What will this accomplish? As in other rounds of fighting - Operation Defensive Shield, Operation Cast Lead - you have to inflict significant damage to lengthen the pause between this round and the next."

Since the war in 2006, the IDF has again sanctified the offensive maneuver, the ground thrust by infantry and armored troops deep into enemy territory. Training for these maneuvers had been neglected, something that had drastic consequences in that war.

Moskovitch, a tank man who has commanded three armored divisions in the past six years, also backs this approach. "If I thought that clinging to this maneuver were something Pavlovian, I would say so," he maintains. "But that is not the case. The fact that the maneuvering went badly in 2006 does not mean that we have to sanctify the opposite. Maneuvering is almost the only way to inflict serious damage in the combat zone. It will not be simple. It's not certain that we will have 34 days, like last time, with the whole world wanting us to beat them into a pulp.

"The land forces' mission will be to deliver a harsh blow to Hezbollah, a multi-system blow to all the organization's components. To that end, maneuvering will take center-stage. The firing [precision air and ground fire] will succeed to whatever extent that it does. In any event, there will be no repeat of what happened in 2006, when the targets ran out after a few days due to insufficient advance intelligence."

The intelligence question

In the next confrontation, if there is one, one question will again be how much advance intelligence to share with the field forces.

"It's a real quandary: between the benefit of having each company commander know what awaits him, and the risk of having him leave some sensitive document in the garbage. I think our division has found the proper balance. There was a general policy, and it gave me some latitude. Clearly, if you reveal too little, people have to absorb a great deal in the staging areas, which causes excessive pressure. In certain things, the GOC Northern Command, Gadi Eizenkot, gave me a freer hand. Still, I didn't want to move things into the field, because I know what crates in a field battalion look like. It's not the polished headquarters of a division."

In Operation Defensive Shield - when the IDF re-conquered West Bank cities in the spring of 2002 - Moskovitch was the commander of an armored brigade in the regular army. "There was no serious resistance then, apart from Jenin," he says. "We moved very quickly from holding ground to attacking the terrorist infrastructures. In Lebanon, if there is a flare-up, it will take longer to seize the ground, and the results will also depend on how much time we have to mop up the area. In Ramallah we seized 10,000 rifles, and there wasn't a room that wasn't searched. I don't assume it will be like that in Lebanon. The proportions will be different."

Moskovitch, 46, has been in the Armored Corps for his entire army career, apart from one staff post (operations officer of Central Command ). The IDF is sending him to a U.S. military college for a year. He has been the commander of the 162nd Division for the past two and a half years. His innate cynicism, a relatively rare trait in the IDF's upper ranks, liberates him from any attempt to curry favor or assume an establishment tone.

During the 2006 war, Moscovitch was the commander of the Tze'elim base in the Negev, the central ground forces training base. "The war was a ringing slap," he says. "As a system, we did not really understand what we didn't know. We did not imagine the scale of the disparities into which we plunged ourselves. Maj.-Gen. Yishai Bar was one of the lucid voices warning about the training neglect. The fact that Yishai was then the president of the IDF appeals court shows that sometimes the perspective of an outsider is useful.

"Like the horse and the oats, we got used to eating a little less every day. We thought this was the reality and that there was no other solution."

This resembles what President Ephraim Katzir said after the Yom Kippur War: "We are all to blame."

"I agonize about the overall picture. We were all there, and it was a good group of people. But I look mainly at myself, as a member of the directorate. At some stage you get accustomed. There are no shekels. There's foreign aid [American aid]. We use shekels to pay for 5.56 mm bullets and for reservists' training days. So we cut back from one training exercise a year to one every three years. We got used to that. On the ground, we did not monitor the fitness of the units properly. There was no red flag, like a squadron commander has when a pilot does not fly a particular course for a certain amount of time, after which he is operationally disqualified."

Ground operational fitness is not an exact science, he adds.

"In the air, it's quantifiable. Capability is measured in terms of a pair of planes, at most a formation. Now we have a computer system that measures fitness and stockpiles for the ground forces, too. It can also show red flags, though not with the mathematical precision you have in the air force.

"It sounds trivial, but it's not. After the war, I headed a sub-team that examined the reservists' fitness. I asked the team to find out the last time battalions that fought in the war had taken part in a training exercise that involved fire. It took us more than two months to come up with the data, and we had to summon people who were no longer in the IDF in order to find the computer files. It sounds idiotic.

"The answer we got was equally surprising. It had been four years and 10 months since the last fire exercise. Many reserve units were neglected; the brigades that trained more frequently did better. At the extreme end were units that hadn't trained for almost six years. That was a huge shock - for me, too. I had been at Tze'elim for quite a few months when the war broke out, and until then it had never occurred to me to even ask the question. No one at Army Headquarters had asked: What are the figures about the training exercises of the Northern Command units, which indeed were later called up for the war?

"That, after all, is an indicator of our situation. It's hard to judge in retrospect, but some people say we should have dismissed 2,000 career people and cut salaries, in order to train more."

Moskovitch adds: "After the war, our self-confidence was undermined. It was very important to return to training. It took a year and a half for the regular army to restore the bulk of its professional standard, to re-accumulate the necessary critical mass. For the reserves, it was a little more than two years. I can say, at least from what I saw in the 162nd Division, that we won't find our jaws dropping in astonishment again in light of a professional disparity, as happened after the last war."

buglerbilly
30-05-10, 04:00 AM
From The Sunday Times May 30, 2010

Israel stations nuclear missile subs off

IranUzi Mahnaimi in Tel Aviv

Three German-built Israeli submarines equipped with nuclear cruise missiles are to be deployed in the Gulf near the Iranian coastline.

The first has been sent in response to Israeli fears that ballistic missiles developed by Iran, Syria and Hezbollah, a political and military organisation in Lebanon, could hit sites in Israel, including air bases and missile launchers.

The submarines of Flotilla 7 — Dolphin, Tekuma and Leviathan — have visited the Gulf before. But the decision has now been taken to ensure a permanent presence of at least one of the vessels.

The flotilla’s commander, identified only as “Colonel O”, told an Israeli newspaper: “We are an underwater assault force. We’re operating deep and far, very far, from our borders.”

Each of the submarines has a crew of 35 to 50, commanded by a colonel capable of launching a nuclear cruise missile.

The vessels can remain at sea for about 50 days and stay submerged up to 1,150ft below the surface for at least a week. Some of the cruise missiles are equipped with the most advanced nuclear warheads in the Israeli arsenal.

The deployment is designed to act as a deterrent, gather intelligence and potentially to land Mossad agents. “We’re a solid base for collecting sensitive information, as we can stay for a long time in one place,” said a flotilla officer.

The submarines could be used if Iran continues its programme to produce a nuclear bomb. “The 1,500km range of the submarines’ cruise missiles can reach any target in Iran,” said a navy officer.

Apparently responding to the Israeli activity, an Iranian admiral said: “Anyone who wishes to do an evil act in the Persian Gulf will receive a forceful response from us.”

Israel’s urgent need to deter the Iran-Syria-Hezbollah alliance was demonstrated last month. Ehud Barak, the defence minister, was said to have shown President Barack Obama classified satellite images of a convoy of ballistic missiles leaving Syria on the way to Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Binyamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, will emphasise the danger to Obama in Washington this week.

Tel Aviv, Israel’s business and defence centre, remains the most threatened city in the world, said one expert. “There are more missiles per square foot targeting Tel Aviv than any other city,” he said.

buglerbilly
31-05-10, 05:45 AM
Israel's New Hard Line on Hizbollah

If War Comes, Military Plans Land Grab, Targeted Killings

By BARBARA OPALL-ROME

Published: 31 May 2010

TEL AVIV - The last time war broke out along the Lebanese border, Israel acted clumsily and lost its aura of invincibility. If there is a next time, Israel's military brass vows, things will be different.

Under a strategy honed since the 2006 Lebanon war and rehearsed in microcosm in the late-2008 Gaza incursion, a new fight against Iranian- and Syrian-backed Hizbollah would see an all-out assault on the party's arsenals, command centers, commercial assets and strongholds throughout the country.

But it also would include attacks on national infrastructure; a total maritime blockade; and interdiction strikes on bridges, highways and other smuggling routes along the Syrian border with Syria. Meanwhile, land forces would execute a ferocious land grab well beyond the Litani River that Israeli brigades belatedly hobbled toward yet failed to reach in the last war.

Finally, Israel would consider the kind of targeted killings that it now executes only in the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip.

"Today, we're looking at people. In parallel to everything else, we're talking about leaders, political and military. This, too, will earn us added deterrence," a senior Israel Defense Forces (IDF) officer said.

That's a path that would put Israel on a collision course with the Lebanese Army, the country's economy and other U.S.- and internationally-supported institutions and symbols of Lebanese sovereignty. Israeli troops would be likely to clash with U.S.-trained and -equipped units of the Lebanese Armed Forces. They would undermine, if not obliterate, a government whose prime minister received renewed commitments of U.S. support in a May 24 White House visit.

Yet Israeli officials, in public statements and interviews over several months, indicated that unless the Lebanese government or the international community disarms Hizbollah, they believe such a war may become inevitable.

"The main responsibility lies with the Lebanese government," Defense Minister Ehud Barak told a gathering of Jewish leaders in April. "And the government of Lebanon will be held accountable if [the situation] deteriorates."

Israeli officials say they are not seeking to initiate the next round in the north. But they also said that the fact that Hizbollah is now a prominent part of the Beirut government - the party controls one-third of the members of the cabinet of Prime Minister Saad Hariri - means they will have a freer hand to implement war plans drafted but never formally proposed nor authorized during the summer 2006 Lebanon War.

When asked if Israel is pursuing an updated version of "the landlord went crazy" strategy of deterrence coined by retired Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, a former IDF chief of staff, another General Staff officer replied: "In this neighborhood, we need to act unpredictably, even bombastically. But in a contained way to allow us to pause, judge for ourselves if we're creating the desired effect, and adjust course, if necessary."

In Lebanon, as in Gaza, albeit on a much smaller scale, the officer said, "We didn't need to conquer Gaza. But we needed a mega display of military might that showed them our ability to conquer, if we chose to do so."

According to Israeli military and defense sources, a future war in Lebanon would involve much more than the three divisions initially planned for the last war, and far more than the 10 percent of Israel Air Force capabilities that fought in the 34-day campaign.

And in contrast to the flawed execution and ambiguous outcome of the last war, even the most humbled of military leaders have begun to use words like game-changing, decisiveness - even victory - to describe a prospective third Lebanon War.

"We will make full use of all our unique advantages and understand that by adapting all our capabilities to the other side's irregular use of the conventional tools of warfare … we can push on to victory," said Maj. Gen. Benjamin Gantz, IDF deputy chief of general staff.

Speaking in conceptual terms, and stressing repeatedly that Israel is merely preparing for - not planning to start - a war in the north, Gantz said, "Once we achieve a decisive situation, where our soldiers continue to prevail and their soldiers continue to lose, nothing [short of a cease-fire] will be able to stop us."

In a May 23 interview, Gantz warned that it could take repeated rounds of high-intensity wars to remove the Iranian-trained and financed threat from the north. The aim, he said, is to prolong the periods of relative quiet between war fighting.

"Israel cannot exist with protracted peaks of warfare," he said. "Therefore, we have to reduce them to reasonable levels - similar to the way we drove down terror in the aftermath of Defensive Shield [the IDF's 2002 operation in the West Bank]. That way, we allow our people to live reasonably under a protracted emergency situation until we fix it, and then we go back to square one.

"I doubt there will be peace afterwards, but at least we'll be able to extend the time between peaks ... Through strategic attrition - one round and then another round - we'll create a situation where each new round brings worse results than the last. And that, in and of itself, brings a formidable deterrent." ■

E-mail: bopallrome@defensenews.com.